Analysis – Brazil riots raise questions over sporting mega-events

publicado por Reuters/UK em 26 de junho

Reuters UK análise

Activists and students stand in a cloud of tear gas as they clash with riot police outside the Mane Garrincha National Stadium in Brasilia, June 15, 2013.
Credit: Reuters/Gustavo Froner

por BRIAN HOMEWOOD

Brazilian anger against the cost of staging the World Cup could undermine the argument that host countries benefit from sporting mega-events as they become too big for most countries to handle.

UEFA’s idea of splitting the Euro 2020 championship into mini-tournaments hosted in 13 different countries could be one of the alternatives which organisers could follow in the future, analysts say.

Brazil has been hit by a wave of nationwide protests as it hosts the eight-team Confederations Cup, a dry-run for next year’s World Cup which will be staged in 12 different cities.

Although the protesters have a multitude of grievances, one of their main complaints has been the contrast between shiny new stadiums and shambolic state of public services including health, education and transport.

They are also angry that Brazil has broken a promise not to spend public money on stadiums, while failing to build many of the planned infrastructure projects.

“The stadiums for the World Cup will be built with private money,” Orlando Silva, sports minister at the time, said in 2007 when Brazil was confirmed as the host nation. “There will not be a cent of public money for the rebuilding of the stadiums.”

Instead, building work fell behind schedule and the state and federal governments had to come to the rescue.

Meanwhile, at least five host cities will miss out on promised bus lanes, metro lines or tram services and cities are now likely to declare public holidays on match days to reduce traffic, a move which critics says reeks of typical improvisation.

“What is happening right now in Brazil should be a watershed for FIFA and the World Cup,” said Simon Chadwick, professor of sports marketing at Coventry University in central England.

“It should respond by working more strategically to ensure that future World Cups are not just two-week showcases, but have a longer-term legacy for host nations.

“It some ways, it’s an acid test for FIFA and its ability as an organisation to adapt, respond and learn.”

SWISS REJECTION

“FIFA has never been especially open, direct or vociferous in accentuating legacy as an element of bidding and hosting,” he added. “Such discussions are often centred on the number of people playing the game and the development of grassroots and competitions.”

While Brazil, which also stages the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, struggles to cope with the World Cup, other countries appear to be losing the appetite to stage major sporting events.

Switzerland, one of the world’s most prosperous countries, backed down from bidding for the 2022 Winter Olympics after residents of the proposed host cantons voted against it in a referendum.

The 2020 Olympics games drew only five formal bids, from Istanbul, Madrid, Tokyo, Baku and Doha.

“It is showing that major sporting events have reached a point where you need to re-discuss what is being done and what is really a legacy,” said Sylvia Schenk, senior advisor for sport at anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International.

“Even the bidding itself has become very expensive and costs millions of euros.”

Chadwick warned of “industrial concentration” where “the same small group of nations repeatedly host sporting mega events.”

“This clearly would not be good for the public and for democracy in sport,” he said. “The global economic downturn of recent years needs to sharpen people’s sense that sporting mega-events have spiralled out of control.”

Last month, a UNESCO-organised meeting of sports ministers in Berlin issued a declaration which warned of the way events such as the World Cup, European championship, Olympics and winter Olympics were awarded and staged.

It said that “many oversized stadia are not financially viable post-event” and said increasing demands on host nations “may act as a disincentive to bid for major sport events and risk excluding certain countries from the bidding for or hosting of such events.”

It also noted the trend of overbidding, described as “incurring higher costs than necessary in order to outbid competitors….and a corresponding escalation of hosting costs.”

RADICAL MOVE

UEFA made a radical move after it received only three bids to host the 24-team European championship in 2020, instead deciding to stage the contest in 13 cities around the continent, each hosting three or four games.

“There are reasons to commend it, most notably the spreading of financial risk and cost,” said Chadwick.

Host countries needed only one stadium, in some cases holding only 30,000 people. “It could be the right direction, even smaller countries usually have one stadium where they can stage two or three games,” said Schenk.

FIFA, which has already awarded the 2018 World Cup to Russia and 2022 tournament to oil-rich Qatar, has more immediate worries, as it is seen as the villain of the piece in Brazil due to the conditions it has imposed on the host nation.

Countries can only stage the World Cup if they agree to tax exemptions and enforce FIFA’s marketing rules, among other things. In Brazil’s case, this has included lifting a ban on alcohol sales in stadiums, prompting former Brazil forward Romario, now a Congressman, to say that FIFA had set up “a state within a state.”

“FIFA has been caught napping,” said Chadwick. “The global political agenda has been turbulent for some time now…..FIFA should have seen what was coming. It has advertently, although entirely predictably, become embroiled in a geo-political debate.”

(Reporting by Brian Homewood, editing by Justin Palmer)

Anúncios

The Last Word: Mr Blatter, the party’s over

publicado no site do jornal The Independent em 23 de junho.

The Last Word: Mr Blatter, the party’s over

Brazilians riot against football and Pele is ridiculed – the end is nigh for costly World Cups and Olympics

MICHAEL CALVIN

The beautiful game is up. When Brazil is conditioned to hate the World Cup and its people traduce Pele as a traitor, football has lost its relevance and its reason. International sport may never be the same again.

Revolutions are sudden, instinctive and deadly. Empty rhetoric, regurgitated by grandees such as Sepp Blatter, has been rejected by those who want schools and hospitals rather than bread and circuses. It is hard to avoid the conclusion a tipping point has been reached.

Violent images from Brazil, of demonstrators silhouetted by flames and riot police using rubber bullets and pepper spray to suppress mass protest, have a relevance beyond the current Confederations Cup, next year’s World Cup and the 2016 Olympics in Rio. Once major sports events become a focal point for social unrest and political opportunism, in the way such global governmental summits as G8 attract activists, they are an embarrassment rather than an embellishment to a nation’s image.

Little wonder the invisible army of sleek-suited parasites who have subjugated sport to their own commercial ends are terrified; sponsors and TV executives will peer into the abyss and recognise the toxicity of their situation.

Should they revert to type, the men who run organisations such as Fifa and the IOC will only trust themselves to partner undemocratic and unyielding regimes. The natural extension to football’s World Cup cycle, following dubious staging posts in Russia and Qatar, is to pitch up in North Korea.

Yet they are deaf to those who resent their irreconcilable privileges. Fifa made in excess of £2 billion from the 2010 World Cup, leaving South Africa’s fragile economy to underwrite building programmes, infrastructure projects, policing and security strategies. London’s Olympic legacy is negligible.

The World Cup, like the Olympics, is collapsing under the weight of its pretension. When Blatter lectured protesters for threatening football’s “spirit, essence and integrity” he was reminded that he succeeded a Brazilian, Joao Havelange, who was exposed as corrupt and despotic.

As the discredited president of a discredited organisation, Blatter acted in character by scuttling away from the protests of two million citizens, galvanised by the inequalities represented by sports events which have become too big, too costly and too grandiose in times of economic hardship.

He was blind to the irony of his refuge, Turkey, whose hopes of staging the 2020 Olympics have been swallowed by the flames of simultaneous internal unrest, timed to coincide with the Under-20 World Cup. Fundamental change is in the air.

The fate of Pele informs us of the limited power of legend. The sense of betrayal and the subsequent loss of respect when he vilified demonstrators as “bandits and bad people” was profound. Romario, a World Cup winner turned congressman, dismissed him as “a poet, when his mouth is shut”.

Footballers are becoming politicised. The Brazil players David Luiz, Dani Alves, Hulk and Fred spoke in unison, supporting those who took to the streets. Neymar accused his government of ignoring their “obligation” to the Brazilian people.

The game has been a source of pride, a unifying factor in a disparate country. The passion remains – many players were on the verge of tears when a sell-out crowd sang an a capella version of the national anthem before the recent win over Mexico – but the poison must be extracted. Blatter and his cronies should be consigned to the dustbin of history as soon as is convenient.

It’s hard to lose a leader like Cram

Bureaucrats breathed a sigh of relief yesterday when Steve Cram announced his intention to step down as chairman of the English Institute of Sport.

It is a decade too late for those whose shortcomings were exposed by the former world-record holder’s insight, intelligence and political nous. I’ll declare an interest. Cram and a visionary named Wilma Shakespear persuaded me to take a five-year sabbatical from scribbling to help set up the EIS.

It was an instructive process. No sooner had we been empowered to oversee a strategic vision for supporting Olympic athletes than there was a concerted attempt to kill the organisation at birth.

Establishment figures sent in shamefully expensive management consultants to waste time and money which would have been better invested in a new generation of sport scientists.

We survived, and thrived. A new culture has been developed by young, fiercely committed and impeccably qualified support staff, who make the critical difference.

The EIS have more than 200 practitioners, who worked with 86 per cent of the Team GB medallists at the London Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Without Cram, that would not have been possible. He is precisely the sort of leader British sport cannot afford to lose.

Virulência

JORNAL O GLOBO, 21 de junho de 2013

Virulência – José Miguel Wisnik

Na Europa, marcos históricos são as guerras, no Brasil, as Copas do Mundo

Vou falar de um aspecto, entre os muitos, dos movimentos de rua que estão dando um baile nas instituições políticas e nos esquemas disponíveis para explicá-los. Diz o escritor inglês Alex Bellos que, se para os europeus os marcos da memória histórica do século XX são dados pelas Guerras, no Brasil são dados pelas Copas do Mundo. A afirmação sinaliza de maneira ambivalente o quanto a paixão do futebol deu forma à identidade e à memória coletiva brasileira, ao mesmo tempo em que sugere o quanto ela é pautada tradicionalmente pelo jogo, pelo lúdico, e não pelo enfrentamento das realidades. A comparação ganha uma outra atualidade agora, quando o ensaio da Copa do Mundo através da Copa das Confederações vem acompanhado de uma guerra, real e simbólica, onde está em jogo o custo social da tarifa de ônibus, o custo social da Copa do Mundo, o custo social e político do Brasil. Uma inesperada junção à maneira brasileira de guerra com Copa, por isso mesmo muito nova.

O movimento, ao mesmo tempo pacífico e virulento, e de uma irradiação inimaginável, vem cobrar o preço de velhas e novas inconsequências políticas. Não creio que a sua relação com a Copa seja ocasional, muito menos oportunista. Mais profundamente, faz sentido que o impulso na direção de um algum acerto brasileiro acabasse passando pela prova e pela contraprova do futebol.

Ninguém certamente imaginou isso quando trouxe a Copa do Mundo para o Brasil: que os componentes da droga brasileira, o remédio lúdico e o veneno das desigualdades, das impunidades e dos privilégios, das conciliações pelo alto e do imobilismo político, entrariam em reação alquímica nas ruas. Pois, se não fosse o cenário da Copa, as manifestações não ganhariam a extensão e a dimensão simbólica que vêm ganhando. Esses temas estão postos faz muito tempo, mas é sabido que eles tradicionalmente não mobilizam.

De repente, o movimento pela redução ou suspensão das tarifas de transporte coletivo funcionou como a senha involuntária — literalmente o passe livre — para abrir a catraca em cascata das outras questões. O passe livre era o disparador ao mesmo tempo concreto e genérico, particular o bastante por envolver o orçamento apertado da maior parte da população que o utiliza diariamente, mesmo que não de muitos dos manifestantes, e geral de sobra por envolver a ineficiência do transporte coletivo e dos serviços públicos, bem como a crise urbana e a aposta sem saída na cultura do automóvel. A percepção do aumento da tarifa de ônibus como sintoma inflacionário a ser suportado por quem já se desacostumou do custo da inflação, que incide sobre os mais pobres, certamente teve influência. Francisco Bosco disse aqui, citando Luiz Eduardo Soares, que assistimos possivelmente ao salto participativo de uma camada social que já tem o que perder. E que já seria, portanto, a resultante de FHC e do lulo-petismo, cobrando dos governos e da cena política nauseantemente pautada pelos arranjos acomodatícios as consequências mais modernas de seu status de consumidor de bens e serviços, incluindo a pulsão juvenil por uma participação na primavera internética dos povos.

E é no cenário dos estádios superfaturados (o de Brasília custou mais de um bilhão e apresenta um gramado de segunda categoria), dos candidatos a elefantes brancos, da incongruência entre os padrões impostos pela Fifa e os padrões da educação e da saúde públicas, tudo recoberto por um discurso triunfalista cada vez mais indigesto, e contracenando com a onipresença sedutora do futebol, que as manifestações encontram uma espécie de correspondência alegórica com a política nacional como um todo.

Quem me conhece sabe o quanto eu amo o futebol (assim como Nuno Ramos na mesa redonda do IMS, eu também tenho uma resistência infantil a torcer contra). Mas estava profundamente desanimado com o fato sintomático de que estivéssemos condenados a ver todas essas aberrações passar incólumes e sem susto, agora, na Copa e nas Olimpíadas. Sei que o clamor urgente, heterogêneo, sem plano claro, fortemente apartidário, canalizando insatisfações de todo tipo, inclusive as conflitantes entre si, não garante nada, pode consumir-se nas suas contradições, no fogo de palha de um consumismo de protesto, no voluntarismo sem mediações, no tudismo já, na fantasia de onipotência e num estado pré-político que acaba vencido pelas eternas raposas (Haddad não é uma). As manifestações, aliás, já são elogiadas por Alckmin, Dilma, Galvão Bueno, e em uma semana são unanimidade: ninguém é contra.

Sei disso, mas não é isso que eu sinto. O que sinto é o alento de um acontecimento capaz não só de dar um susto, mas de mexer no quadro político brasileiro. O que leva a isso não é a violência pontual que ele desencadeia, mas a sua luminosa virulência.

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